Читаем Putin's Wars полностью

Leonid Luks, “Die politisch-religiöse ‘Sendung’ Russlands,” in Freiheit oder imperiale Größe: Essays zu einem russischen Dilemma, ed. Leonid Luks (Stuttgart: Ibidem Verlag, 2009), 48. Dostoevsky fully shared this anti-Semitism and did not hesitate to use the pejorative word “Yid” in his Writer’s Diary. In a chapter titled “The Jewish Question,” he depicts a Jewish plot for world dominance, writing, “the Jews reign over all the stock exchanges there . . . they control the credit . . . they are the ones who control the whole of international politics as well; and what will happen hereafter is, of course, known to the Jews themselves: their reign, their complete reign, is drawing nigh!” (Dostoevsky, Fyodor. A Writer’s Diary, Volume II: 1877–1881, trans. Kenneth Lantz (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1997), 914.)

38.

V. F. Zalevsky, “Chto takoe Soyuz Russkogo Naroda i dlya chego on nuzhen?” Excerpts published in Golczewski and Pickhan, Russischer Nationalismus, 210–216.

39.

“Resolution of the ‘Section for the Struggle against Jewish Supremacy’ of the Congress of the Union of the Russian People in Nizhny Novgorod, November 1915,” in Golczewski and Pickhan, Russischer Nationalismus, 216–221.

40.

V. Ivanovich, ed., Rossiyskie partii, soyuzy i ligi (Saint Petersburg, 1906), 117–122. http://www.dur.ac.uk/a.k.harrington/urpprog.html.

41.

Ivanovich, Rossiyskie partii.

42.

Ivanovich, Rossiyskie partii.

43.

Cf. Walter Laqueur, Black Hundred: The Rise of the Extreme Right in Russia (New York: HarperCollins, 1993), 35. Cf. also Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1973), 241.

44.

Laqueur, Black Hundred, 20.

45.

Laqueur, Black Hundred, 21.

46.

Stepan Shevyrev, 1841, “Vzglyad Russkogo na sovremennoe obrazovanie Evropy” (A Russian’s View of the Contemporary Development of Europe). In Golczewski and Pickhan, Russischer Nationalismus, 163.

47.

Nikolay Danilevsky, “Rossiya i Evropa” (Russia and Europe), in Golczewski and Pickhan, Russischer Nationalismus, 181–183.

48.

Arendt, Totalitarianism, 227.

49.

Quoted in Arendt, Totalitarianism, 224.

50.

Arendt, Totalitarianism, 226.

51.

Galbraith, The Age of Uncertainty, 136.

52.

According to Yegor Gaidar, “Russia is unique in restoring a failed empire, which it did in the period 1918–22. This required an unprecedented use of force and violence. But that was not the only factor in the Bolshevik’s success. Messianic Communist ideology shifted the center of political conflict from a confrontation between ethnic groups to a struggle among social classes. That struggle garnered support from people in the non-Russian regions, who fought for a new social order that would open the way to a brilliant future, and played a large role in forming the Soviet Union within borders resembling those of the Russian Empire.” (Yegor Gaidar, Collapse of an Empire: Lessons for Modern Russia (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2007), 17.)

53.

Cf. Robert Service, Penguin History of Modern Russia: From Tsarism to the Twenty-First Century (London: Penguin Books, 2009), 129.

54.

Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1947), 404.

55.

Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, 404.

56.

On the devastating consequences of the purges, not only for the general population, but also for the communist elite, George Kennan wrote: “And the great old names of communism had not died alone. With them had gone a full 75 percent of the governing class of the country, a similar proportion of the leading intelligentsia, and over half of the higher officers’ corps of the Red army.” (George F. Kennan, “Russia: Seven Years Later,” Annex to George Kennan, Memoirs 1925–1950 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1967), 503–504.)

57.

Arendt, Totalitarianism, 222.

58.

Kennan, Memoirs 1925–1950, 519.

59.

Kennan, Memoirs 1925–1950, 519.

Chapter 3