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These papers were the British The Independent, the French Le Monde and Le Journal du Dimanche, and the German Frankfurter Rundschau. The Nashi were demanding 500,000 rubles (11,500 euro) in damages from each of the newspapers. The group’s lawyer, Sergey Zhorin, confirmed on October 27, 2009, that four lawsuits had been filed at Moscow’s Savelyovsky District Court. (Cf. “Pro-Putin Youth Group Sues European Newspapers,” Euranet (October 27, 2009).) The first hearing took place on December 7, 2009. The correspondent of Le Monde, Marie Jégo, present at the hearing, said: “It is an opinion, it is not slander. To give your opinion is authorized by article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, signed by Russia in 1998.” (“‘Le Monde’ poursuivi par les Nachi,” Le Monde (December 9, 2009).) On April 21, 2010, the Court sentenced Le Journal du dimanche to pay the Nashi 250,000 rubles (6,400 euro), although the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, of which Russia is a member, had confirmed that the facts reported by the four papers, could, indeed, be described as harassment. (Alexandre Billette, “De jeunes nationalistes russes obtiennent la condamnation du ‘JDD,’” Le Monde, (April 24, 2010).) Although the probability that the sentence would be carried out in France was extremely low, the Nashi felt they had won an important propaganda victory in their home country.

33.

“Kashin-Yakemenko Feud Heats Up,” seansrussiablog.org (March 28, 2011).

34.

Cf. Tony Halpin, “Vladimir Putin’s Youth Army Nashi Loses Purpose,” The Times (July 22, 2008). Another British journalist, The Guardian’s Luke Harding, came to a similar conclusion two days later, when he wrote: “This year’s camp, the fourth, is smaller than last year’s—a sign that Nashi’s days may be numbered.” (Luke Harding, “Welcome to Putin’s summer camp,” The Guardian (July 24, 2008).)

35.

Cf. John Wendle, “Children’s Movement Fails to Draw Kids,” Moscow Times (December 7, 2007).

36.

Quoted in Chloe Arnold, “Russia: New ‘Teddy Bears’ Have Overtones of Soviet-Era Youth Groups,” RFE/RL (February 15, 2008).

37.

Jégo, “Fascistes ou fans de foot?”

38.

Anna Nemtsova, “Fear and Loathing in Moscow,” Newsweek (October 24, 2008).

39.

“Batting a Thousand,” Kommersant (August 31, 2005).

40.

Cf. Tom Balmforth, “Moscow Beefs Up Police Presence Amid Opposition, Pro-Kremlin Rallies,” RFE/RL (December 6, 2011).

41.

They were each paid between 200 and 500 rubles (respectively approximately €5 and €12.50). Cf. Daisy Sindelar, “How Many Demonstrated For The Kremlin? And How Willing Were They?” RFE/RL (December 13, 2011). The correspondent of the French Figaro reported having “witnessed similarly a scene at the end of the meeting where the organizers of the demonstration handed out bills of 100 rubles to adolescents who were queuing up, waiting for their payment.” (Pierre Avril, “Les manifestants sur commande de Russie unie,” Le Figaro (December 14, 2011).)

42.

Cf. Novaya Gazeta no. 18 (March 17, 2008).

43.

Daniil Eisenstadt, “Vertikal Druzhina RF,” Gazeta (August 3, 2009). http://www.gazeta.ru/politics/2009/08/03_a_3231369.shtml.

44.

The full name of the Association is Vserossiyskaya Assotsiatsiya Druzhin, abbreviated VAD.

45.

“Nashi Looks to Expand Youth Militia,” Official Russia (August 11, 2009). http://officialrussia.com/?p=6379.

46.

“Nashi Looks to Expand Youth Militia.”

47.

Cf. Lev Davydov, “Provoslavnye druzhiny ispugali pravozashchitnikov,” Utro.ru (November 21, 2008).

48.

“MVD obeshchaut rassmotret initiativu Tserkvi o sozdanii pravoslavnykh narodnykh druzhin,” Interfax (November 20, 2008).

49.

Davydov, “Pravoslavnye druzhiny ispugali pravozashchitnikov.”

50.

Peter Pomerantsev, “Putin’s God Squad,” Newsweek (September 10, 2012).

51.

Pomerantsev, “Putin’s God Squad.”

52.

Cf. Condoleezza Rice, “The Making of Soviet Strategy,” in Makers of Modern Strategy: From Machiavelli to the Nuclear Age, ed. Peter Paret (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), 652: “Many Bolsheviks were never completely satisfied with Trotsky’s Red Army, however. It was created as a temporary device in 1918, to be demobilized and replaced by the militia as quickly as possible after the Civil War.”

53.