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With these new reasons for fixing the peasants to the soil came, as has been said, new means of preventing migration. Formerly it was an easy matter to flee to a neighbouring principality, but now all the principalities were combined under one ruler, and the foundations of a centralised administration were laid. Severe fugitive laws were issued against those who attempted to change their domicile and against the proprietors who should harbour the runaways. Unless the peasant chose to face the difficulties of "squatting" in the inhospitable northern forests, or resolved to brave the dangers of the steppe, he could nowhere escape the heavy hand of Moscow.*

     * The above account of the origin of serfage in Russia is


     founded on a careful examination of the evidence which we


     possess on the subject, but I must not conceal the fact that


     some of the statements are founded on inference rather than


     on direct, unequivocal documentary evidence.  The whole


     question is one of great difficulty, and will in all


     probability not be satisfactorily solved until a large


     number of the old local Land-Registers (Pistsoviya Knigi)


     have been published and carefully studied.


The indirect consequences of thus attaching the peasants to the soil did not at once become apparent. The serf retained all the civil rights he had hitherto enjoyed, except that of changing his domicile. He could still appear before the courts of law as a free man, freely engage in trade or industry, enter into all manner of contracts, and rent land for cultivation.

But as time wore on, the change in the legal relation between the two classes became apparent in real life. In attaching the peasantry to the soil, the Government had been so thoroughly engrossed with the direct financial aim that it entirely overlooked, or wilfully shut its eyes to, the ulterior consequences which must necessarily flow from the policy it adopted. It was evident that as soon as the relation between proprietor and peasant was removed from the region of voluntary contract by being rendered indissoluble, the weaker of the two parties legally tied together must fall completely under the power of the stronger, unless energetically protected by the law and the Administration. To this inevitable consequence the Government paid no attention. So far from endeavouring to protect the peasantry from the oppression of the proprietors, it did not even determine by law the mutual obligations which ought to exist between the two classes. Taking advantage of this omission, the proprietors soon began to impose whatever obligations they thought fit; and as they had no legal means of enforcing fulfilment, they gradually introduced a patriarchal jurisdiction similar to that which they exercised over their slaves, with fines and corporal punishment as means of coercion. From this they ere long proceeded a step further, and began to sell their peasants without the land on which they were settled. At first this was merely a flagrant abuse unsanctioned by law, for the peasant had never been declared the private property of the landed proprietor; but the Government tacitly sanctioned the practice, and even exacted dues on such sales, as on the sale of slaves. Finally the right to sell peasants without land was formally recognised by various Imperial ukazes.*

     * For instance, the ukazes of October 13th, 1675, and June


     25th, 1682.  See Belaef, pp. 203-209.


The old Communal organisation still existed on the estates of the proprietors, and had never been legally deprived of its authority, but it was now powerless to protect the members. The proprietor could easily overcome any active resistance by selling or converting into domestic servants the peasants who dared to oppose his will.

The peasantry had thus sunk to the condition of serfs, practically deprived of legal protection and subject to the arbitrary will of the proprietors; but they were still in some respects legally and actually distinguished from the slaves on the one hand and the "free wandering people" on the other. These distinctions were obliterated by Peter the Great and his immediate successors.

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В книге в простой и увлекательной форме рассказано о природных, духовных, рукотворных богатствах Костромской земли, ее истории (в том числе как колыбели царского рода Романовых), хозяйстве, культуре, людях, главных религиозных центрах. Читатель узнает много интересного об основных поселениях Костромской земли: городах Костроме, Нерехте, Судиславле, Буе, Галиче, Чухломе, Солигаличе, Макарьеве, Кологриве, Нее, Мантурово, Шарье, Волгореченске, историческом селе Макарий-на-Письме, поселке (знаменитом историческом селе) Красное-на-Волге и других. Большое внимание уделено православным центрам – монастырям и храмам с их святынями. Рассказывается о знаменитых уроженцах Костромской земли и других ярких людях, живших и работавших здесь. Повествуется о чтимых и чудотворных иконах (в первую очередь о Феодоровской иконе Божией Матери – покровительнице рожениц, брака, детей, юношества, защитнице семейного благополучия), православных святых, земная жизнь которых оказалась связанной с Костромской землей.

Вера Георгиевна Глушкова

География, путевые заметки