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At some time in March we learned Hrihorieff had taken Kherson by storm. His telegrams ‘To All, All, All!’ came back and were posted up throughout South Ukraine. The city was occupied in the name of ‘The Working People of the World’, but the tone of his messages was clear: Hrihorieff, Ataman of the Zaporizhian Cossacks, had done what the Bolsheviks could not do. The pogroms continued. Even Antonov, in control of Kiev, had been unable to stop the sacking of Podol by regular Red Army soldiers.

There was a multitude of rumours. We were fifty versts behind the lines and received no direct information. I was only interested in Hrihorieff as far as he concerned me. I still could not get permission to go to Odessa. Antonov had become suspicious of Bolsheviks playing ‘happy ships’ with Hrihorieff. This naval term describes what happens when one crew falls in love with another. The Bolshevik officially in command of irregular units did whatever Hrihorieff ordered. We were not all so sure of the chieftain’s ability to hold his gains. This was why Antonov wanted him liquidated.

What had happened in Kherson was this: Hrihorieff issued an ultimatum to the garrison’s C-in-C. The dignified Greek replied it was his duty to defend the city to the last. He had confined leftist hostages and their families in a warehouse. The French frigates in the river opened fire on Hrihorieff’s Cossacks as they swept into Kherson. The French used incendiary shells. These set the warehouse alight. Hundreds of men, women and children were burned alive. Hrihorieff took ghastly revenge. The French escaped, but not a single Greek was spared. They were killed as they fought or as they surrendered. Hrihorieff filled a ship with their bodies and sent it down the river to Odessa: the first modern corpse-ship. The effect on the morale of the French garrison in Odessa and, when the news came, Nikolaieff’s German garrison, was of course devastating.

Kherson had given up her materiel: tanks, guns, ammunition, food. The city was looted in true Cossack fashion. Hrihorieff continued to pretend he served ‘Soviet’ authority. His men were seen selling their booty in our camp, in every village they stopped at: women’s dresses, suits, boots, crucifixes, ikons, paintings, delicacies, antiques. Half the ‘boorzhoos’ had sought refuge in Kherson. The Cossacks had found them easy victims.

Nikolaieff surrendered soon after this and Hrihorieff gained greater strength. Thousands of Cossacks, Haidamaki, partisan divisions, tanks, infantry in armoured trains, began to move on Odessa. Panic filled me. Anything could happen to my mother and Esmé. I applied through Antonov’s field commanders to be returned to Odessa. I received no reply.

I heard a rumour. One of our trains was leaving for the ‘Odessa Front’. It carried Bolshevik troops. Antonov hoped to strengthen Hrihorieff’s units and pretend Bolsheviks were responsible for the victory. With Brodmann and one other, I at last got myself assigned as political commissar: because I knew the city well I could contact Bolshevik comrades already spreading propaganda amongst the French, local people and Whites.

I shared the staff-carriage with a dozen half-drunk Red Army officers, Brodmann and the other commissar. His name was something like Kreshchenko. When the train was on its way the officers revealed their orders. We were not going direct to Odessa. Our first job was to contact Makhno to try to gain his sympathy and help in curtailing Hrihorieff. Apparently Makhno disapproved of Hrihorieff. His support, the equal to the Ataman’s, had been given reluctantly. The Red Army men said the French were weak, divided at home, confused in their orders, understanding nothing of the issues involved. Those Moscow Bolsheviks could as easily have said the same of themselves. They had no clear idea of Makhno’s or Hrihorieff’s political stand. Their distaste for the irregulars was evident (they were all ex-Tsarists). I sympathised, but I had been forced to survive amongst the rabble. I knew at least how feelings ran. Even the Red Cossacks believed ‘Russian chauvinists’ were not true Communists. The Cossacks, they argued, were Communists by tradition and experience. The single fact Trotsky understood was that Ukrainian partisans were hard to discipline. It had been easy enough for him to take over the remnants of the Tsar’s army; but he loathed the peasant fighters. He would destroy as many as he could once they had served their turn. Stalin completed his work. Every Bolshevik success involved a revival of Tsarist methods. Tell me who was vindicated. Tell me who was responsible for Pan-Islam? We have no Cossacks now.